Adventures in Fugawiland - Interpretation Essay


The people of Fugawiland were semi-sedentary hunter-gatherers, who followed a seasonal round in their subsistence strategies. My ten excavations have revealed much about their subsistence base, as well as the pattern of migration they followed t hroughout the year. In addition to these issues, I obtained some insight into their culture, giving us a much better glimpse into the lives of these people, cavorting in northern Wisconsin about five thousand years ago.

The Fugawi were comprised of two distinct cultures, each utilizing different materials and styles for their tools, pottery, and huts. The Copper culture used copper to make their knives, constructed round huts, and a zig-zag design on their pottery (as e videnced from the potsherds). The Copper culture was essentially localized north of the Pickering River and along its northern branch. The Obsidian culture used obsidian tools, had square huts, and had a banded design on their pottery, and were located al ong the south branch of the River Pickering. It is not coincidental that the sole copper outcrop in Fugawiland was in the northern hills, while the sole source of obsidian was in the southern hills. The geographic location of these resources is most likel y the impetus behind the split into two cultures.

The data shows strong evidence that these are two distinct cultures (see attached table). Knife material, hut shape, and pottery design is always either one or the other at any site, never a mixture of both styles or materials. The only exceptions are th e plains sites (which we will later see had ceremonial significance), possibly an indication of trading or other interaction between the cultures, since the anomalous items are extremely rare at these sites (at site D, there is only one obsidian piece, bu t a clear majority of 20 copper knives as expected). Note that we never find obsidian and round huts together, for example, or banded potsherds and round huts. The data clearly illustrates the cultural differences. As for geographic location, there is a c lear correlation between north coordinate and copper, and a clear anti-correlation between north coordinate and obsidian, with similar relationships between north coordinate and pottery style or hut design (see attached plots). The data reveals all sites at or above north coordinate 127 are Copper culture sites, and all sites below are Obsidian culture sites.

Other than these cultural differences, the lifestyle of the Fugawi was essentially identical. There were four major types of sites: plains, hills, river, and lakeshore. The data collected from these sites reveal patterns that give us clues and insight in to what occurred at each type of site, namely what the site was used for, when it was occupied, and what was eaten there. The data used is summarized in the Table of All Sites and the composite Table of Average Densities, compiled from my excavations and those of Neil Sheldon. The Table of Average Densities also compares the two cultures side-by-side, and it is clear that the statistics for each culture are similar in terms of densities at various sites. This verifies the similarity of lifestyle across th e cultures. Any further conclusions drawn henceforth from site data therefore applies to both groups of Fugawi.

The lakeshore sites are characterized by numerous thin-walled huts with small outdoor hearths, and very high densities of fish bones, shells, and deer bones. Rabbit remains are also present, and acorns are not present at all. Also, fish hooks are found i n great numbers, but projectile points and knives are found in lower densities.

This data suggests the Fugawi used the lakeshore as spring and summer habitation sites. Mussels are at their most nutritious in the spring and fall, while trout are found in this area during the summer months, as are deer. The hearth size and location su ggests warmer climates, as well. Therefore the Fugawi probably lived on the lakeshore in large groups (the average number of houses is 9, or about 45 people per site) during the spring and summer, eating mainly trout, mussels, and deer, with some rabbit a s well to supplement the diet. Acorns are primarily available in the fall only, so it is not surprising they are not present at the lakeshore sites. The lack of projectile points and knives and abundance of fishhooks results from the high prevalence of se afood in their diet.

The river sites have fewer numbers of thick-walled huts, with large indoor hearths, and a high concentration of deer bones and acorns. There are also many more rabbit remains in the river region, but lower densities of fish bones, and shell remains are v ery rare, though they are there. Acorns are in plentiful supply. Projectile points and knives are present in higher densities than the lakeshore region.

Since acorns are only available in the fall, and deer and trout migrate inland to this region as well during the fall and winter months, it seems these sites are used for fall and winter habitation. Rabbits are fattest in the fall and early winter, and t he heavy walls of the huts and the large indoor hearths certainly suggest cold weather. The Fugawi lived in small groups on the river in the winter, mainly hunting deer and rabbit, and gathering acorns to store for the winter. Fish were a supplement to th e diet, while mussels were mostly ignored. The high density of projectile points and knives are due to the heavy dependence on land animals for food. Due to the harsher conditions and sparser resources, the group size was smaller, with an average of 5 hut s per site (or about 25 people).

From these types of sites we can easily reconstruct a seasonal subsistence cycle and migration pattern for the Fugawi. In the spring and summer, they lived on the shores of Lake Michigan, in large groups due to the abundance of seafood. As fall approache s, they followed the deer and trout migrations inland, and set up smaller camps along the river for fall and winter habitation. They then relied on land animals and acorns for subsistence. Potsherds are most likely used throughout the year for domestic us es, i.e. cooking, storage, etc. Potsherd densities remain constant at both river and lakeshore sites (see Table of Average Densities), since although the number of people at the river sites is halved, so too are the size of the camps, so the number of pot sherds per person does not change. This suggest that the daily life of the Fugawi remains relatively unchanged despite season and changes in food sources.

The hill sites are characterized by a total lack of huts, and only a few small hearths. There are very high densities of points and knives, while fish hooks are nonexistent except near the river (for example, sites G and U have a few fish hooks present). There are no potsherds, and deer and acorns are the only food sources found, in large density (though much less than at the river or lakeshore sites).

These sites are in close proximity to either the obsidian or the copper outcrops, suggesting the Fugawi used these sites as short-term sites for resource extraction and hunting. They most likely spent very little time here, as the lack of huts and potshe rds attests to, hunting deer and rabbits and making knives (Each culture used their own material for the knives, copper or obsidian). The acorns suggest fall usage, and the hearths were definitely insufficient for winter use. The Fugawi probably came to t hese sites during the early fall, after moving their permanent base camps from the lakeshore to the river regions. This allowed them to transport their kills and gatherings and freshly manufactured knives back to their homes in the river regions before th e winter snows made travel difficult. Thus they were able to stock up on raw materials and food in time for winter's onset.

The fourth type of site is in the plains region. These very large sites have no huts whatsoever, but they each have two large outdoor hearths. The only food type is deer, present in high density (though lower than the shore and river sites). No projecti le points are to be found, but there are some knives and very high densities of potsherds and burials, both extended and bundle types.

The lack of projectiles or potsherds suggest that no actual work was done at these sites, and the lack of huts suggests no habitation either. These sites seem to be primarily ceremonial, probably related to spring burial ceremonies (due to the bundle bur ials). Also, at each site, one knife from the other culture of Fugawiland was found, possibly a symbolic trade to assert the unity of the Fugawi despite cultural differences. The Fugawi most likely used these sites throughout the year, but a large spring ceremony seems likely given the number of bundle burials far exceeds the extended burials. Deer was the only food eaten, possibly because they considered it sacred or at least very important to their culture. The twin enormous hearths are located in front of a large open space, possibly indicating a gathering place in the center of the site for the ceremonies (similar to the kivas of the American Southwest). Thus the Fugawi would arrive in spring and bury their dead, as well as celebrate the onset of warmer weather.

There is much that remains to be discovered about the Fugawi. For example, there are some extended burials at other sites besides the ceremonial ones. This may be because some people die too far away from the ceremonial sites to be interred there. Anothe r, more plausible explanation is that those buried at the ceremonial sites (extended) are higher status, perhaps great warriors or leaders. Shell pendant distribution may provide clues to this question, but there is not enough data to make any definitive statements for certain. Also, the sheer number of obsidian knives is higher than that of copper, despite roughly equal populations in either culture. Perhaps copper was refurbished upon dulling, but the more fragile obsidian was easier to replace than rep air. And the questions of status differences, gender roles, health status, and more still remain unanswered. What we have is a great start, but there is so much more to be discovered and excavated that I, for one, can't wait. All I need is a little more money... Any philanthropists out there?

Table of All Sites not available - see Neil M. Sheldon's Fugawiland data for more information